Different charges for same legal jobs

September 29, 2014 3 comments

Lawyers responsible for over charging, fraud and corruption…

BY DONALD WILLIE  in Post Courier

THE State is paying some law firms three times more for similar cases, a lawyer involved in the Commission of Inquiry into procedures and processes of briefing out cases, said Counsel assisting the commission, John Griffin QC, told the Post-Courier that lawyers have been seen to be overcharging considerably.

On the other hand, a lot of lawyers have submitted bills which have not been paid and there have been complaints by the lawyers and the Government on the overall payment processes.

“The objective of this inquiry is to work out practices and procedures that are appropriate and bring the system in line with the way it works in other places,” Mr Griffin said. “Through this enquiry, the Government can get good legal services from private lawyers for an appropriate charge.”

He said this was to eliminate the problems of overpayment, fraud and corruption. Giving evidence yesterday, principal of Wagambie Lawyers, Michael Wagambie said on government cases briefed out in his firm, senior lawyers charged up to K700 an hour depending on experience and competency.

Mr Griffin alerted Mr Wagambie that there had been cases where lawyers had charged up to K2000 per hour. Asked if he thought such an amount was reasonable, Mr Wagambie said it was not. He recommended that a standard rate be set for payment.

“I think this is important because it should now set a standard rate for lawyers across the board, rather than just charging at will as and when they like to charge,” said Mr Wagambie.

Mr Wagambie also recommended that a committee be established under the direction of the Solicitor-General to assist in awarding brief outs to avoid being biased.

John Momis: Not the Brightest Bulb

September 26, 2014 Leave a comment

cartoon showing ASI and AusAID pulling momis's strings

O’Neill’s illegal logging: 459 days and counting…

September 26, 2014 Leave a comment

459

Peter O'Neill: Theft of forest resources: Guilty

billboard poster - give land back to landowners

 

O’Neill’s illegal logging: 455 days and counting…

September 22, 2014 Leave a comment

455

It is now 455 days since Prime Minister Peter O’Neill was told that the SABL leases were unlawful and should be revoked.

It was on June 24, 2013 that he was given the reports of the SABL Commission Inquiry which detail the widespread fraud and mismanagement used by foreign logging companies to gain illegal access to over 5 million hectares of land.

O’Neill has promised to cancel the leases and stop the illegal logging several times.

In September 2013 O’Neill told Parliament:

“We will no longer watch on as foreign owned companies come in and con our landowners, chop down our forests and then take the proceeds offshore”

But, despite an NEC decision in June we are still waiting for the leases to be cancelled and the logging stopped.

For 455 days O’Neill has failed to revoke the SABL leases and has been complicit in the illegal logging of our forests by foreign logging companies.

Prime Minister Peter O’Neill has aided and abetted the theft of logs worth hundreds of million of kina and the destruction of thousands of hectares of pristine forest.

Peter O'Neill: Theft of forest resources: Guilty

Logging in Pomio: Violence, Wages, Land and the Environment

September 22, 2014 3 comments

The arrival of Malaysian logging personnel in the Pomio area has been accompanied by increased disputes over land, poor working conditions, growing insecurity and violence, the destruction of sacred sites, the confiscation of villagers’ private property, environmental damage and an exacerbation of the crisis of legitimacy involving the modern PNG state.

logging and oil palm plantings in Pomio

By Professor Andrew Lattas, University of Bergen

Local villagers complain that government no longer represents their interests. This accusation is made against government at all levels: district, provincial and national. The democratic state is seen as not functioning to incorporate and protect people’s interests, but only those of the developer. Senior government personnel in key departments are accused of having too close a relationship with the Malaysian logging company operating in Pomio. Government officials can be frequently seen socialising and eating at the mess at the logging company’s headquarters at Drina. Some officials are there almost on a daily basis and they are seen sometimes carting away goods in government and company cars. This leads to much speculation by villagers, logging company workers and other government officials. This speculation focuses on the fact that this hospitality is not extended to all government employees but to select officials working in the key departments of forestry and lands; and senior officers at the local district office at Palmalmal, such as the Special Projects Officer and the District Administrator. The latter two officials were appointed under the influence of the previous member for Pomio, Paul Tiensten, who has recently been convicted and jailed for corruption involving tens of millions of kina. Other district workers at Palmalmal told me how they struggled to make ends meet on their low government salaries, but they did not see the select officials favoured by the Malaysian company as having the same money problems. They suspected these officials of receiving what they called a “second wage”, a euphemism for hidden payments rendered for hidden services.

Given that the district administrator, his deputy, the special projects officer, and the officers belonging to forestry and land socialise regularly with Chinese Malaysian management, it is no surprise that villagers see government as compromised. Villagers do not regard state officials as impartial and many believe there is no point in taking to them any complaint over land boundaries, the price of store goods, wages and conditions, safety, environment, or the destruction of private gardens and cash crops. This is why some villagers have resorted to road blocks in defence of their property but this only invokes a response by the riot squad and the private security employed by the logging company.

The Company Store: Low Wages, Credit Purchases and High Prices

I received many complaints from workers over their low wages. Workers complained that they did not receive any itemised pay sheets that might indicate how their pay has been calculated for that fortnight, e.g. how many hours they were booked as working and how much they were paid for each hour. Many workers just receive an envelope with money in it and without any accompanying calculations.

In particular, many workers complain that they never receive any itemised list of what they have supposedly purchased on credit from the logging company’s store and how this corresponds to the amount deducted from their fortnightly wage. Many workers claim that they have not purchased the quantity of goods that has been deducted and others tell of how during some fortnights when they have deliberately sought to avoid making purchases, they still incurred deductions from their pay. Workers have no way of getting redress for they do not receive any itemised record of their purchases that they could dispute or corroborate.

Some workers complain that they are urged by their Malaysian supervisors to purchase goods on credit from the company store when they are trying not to do so, for they need to save and spend their wages elsewhere, e.g. on school fees.

The price of subsistence goods (especially rice, tinned fish, oil, flour and biscuits) at the company store is much higher (about 25%) than the price of goods in local village stores. This is despite the fact that village trade-stores do not have the same easy access to urban wholesale stores in Kokopo, Lae and Port Moresby. This means that workers for the Malaysian logging company find it hard to survive on their low wages and many are forced to steal local garden produce so as to supplement their diet, both in terms of variety and calorie intake. Many Pomio villagers speak of increased thefts of food from their gardens by logging workers, who do not have local kin to provide vegetables.

The price of boat fuel is another source of complaint, whilst it is possible to buy fuel in villages for 18-22 kina, at the Malaysian camp it is sold for 25 kina.

Destruction of Private Cash Crops and Subsistence Gardens

Logging, road construction and the planting of oil palms has destroyed many private gardens and cash crops belonging to villagers who never agreed to have logging in their area and most certainly do not want to give up their land for an oil palm plantation. Until very recently, in coastal areas, the government has been encouraging copra and cocoa as cash crops, but these are now deemed superfluous even though villagers spent many decades clearing bush and then planting and harvesting these trees. The trees have been bulldozed to make way for roads and oil palms without the owners being compensated for their lost trees, land, expenses, income and work.

Ironically, the Malaysian logging company has used traditional concepts of clan ownership to seize and destroy private cash crops and gardens. The company has sought to gazump the rights of individual owners by using the supposed higher power of clan signatures collected by government officials. The fact that these government officers never went to the actual villages to collect these clan signatures and many of the signatures are fraudulent does not stop the riot squad and the lands and forestry officials from supporting this destruction and confiscation of people’s private land, gardens and cash crops using those same problematic signatures.

It is not just the customary rights of people which have been fundamentally compromised, but also their modern property rights. Once cash crops are planted on customary clan land, then the land and the trees becomes the private property of individuals that can be passed on to their children. It does not revert back to becoming customary clan land as is the case with slash and burn gardens. It is these modern property interests which are not being respected by this new form of development that uses forged clan signatures to trump and appropriate private property rights.

Land Registration as Land Theft

This dreadful experience with government attempts to collect clan signatures supporting logging is why there is currently widespread opposition by Pomio villagers to the land registration process. Many regard land registration as a vehicle by which RH and the land department can empower certain select individuals at the expense of others so as to provide developers with access and control over the land and its resources. Lip service is paid to the protection of traditional land rights through a bureaucratic process that in effect transfers clan rights to select individuals who are not clan leaders but are supported by the developer who has too close a connection with forestry and land officials.

A Crisis of State Legitimacy

The riot squad which has been brought in by the Malaysian company does not seek to correct these grievances by putting a stop to the seizure of private land and the destruction of property. Instead, the riot squad police support the Malaysian logging company by using their guns and the threat of arrest to intimidate villagers who set up road-blocks to prevent bulldozers, trucks and chainsaws from entering their land. The district office and the local council also refuse to help protect people’s property. All of this is producing a crisis of legitimacy for the modern state whose officials are seen as compromised and partisan. State officials are not seen as abiding by the logic of a democratic state where state officials should impartially assess and serve the interests of the people. Instead, these officials are accused of just working to protect the profits, private property, rights and reputation of the Malaysian logging company whilst that of Melanesian villagers is confiscated, destroyed and severely curtailed.

Divide and Rule

Many of those who have signed the documents to allow logging in coastal areas do not reside there. Instead they reside further in the interior, in bush villages that have an interest in logging and roads. It is true that these bush villagers do have relatives living along the coast and have customary rights to access coastal lands and their resources, but this is not the same as those bush villagers being the major clan leaders of those more coastal terrains. The interior villages see logging as a practical way of providing roads into the mountainous interior given that the government has been unable to fund and build those roads. Bush villagers are not affected by the oil palm plantations that are being established in the flatter, fertile and gently sloping hills close to the coast. Ironically, many of these interior villagers who support logging do not want oil palm plantations and certainly not in their home terrains. Nevertheless these same bush villages have at times raided and assaulted coastal villagers who seek to stop logging operations. In doing so, these bush villagers have been led by the directors of the local landowner company, which is largely funded by the Malaysian logging Company. Some of these directors live in the interior villagers and like the other landowner company directors they receive money from the Malaysian logging company, which allows them to visit town. There they stay in expensive hotels, eat and drink at restaurants and bars, and hire local prostitutes.

Private Security, Violence and Terror

The logging company also pays for the travel expenses of riot squad police. Indeed the Malaysian company houses, feeds and gives a monetary bonus to these police for their time in the logging camps in Pomio. Supplementing the violence and intimidation provided by the riot squad, the logging company has also recruited a large army of private security staff from villages in the interior who support logging. Ostensibly hired to protect company machinery at night from sabotage, this security staff is used in the daytime to protect the bulldozers, trucks, drivers and chain saw operators as these are pushed into new logging areas that are disputed and that coastal villagers do not want clear-felled and planted with oil palms.

The Mamusi bush villagers who have been hired as security guards have a reputation for traditional warfare and they very much cultivate the respect and fear this renown brings. This reputation was recently confirmed when some bush villagers raided the homes of coastal villagers and physically assaulted those who had opposed logging. These individuals were selected and were warned of further violence and even death unless they stopped their public opposition to logging. One major violent attack by bush Mamusi villagers happened at the logging camp at Drina where the riot police are based.

Corporatising Sorcery

The use of violence to intimidate logging opponents also extends to death threats involving sorcery. Whilst western educated individuals might not believe in sorcery, for Pomio villagers it is real. It is seen as evidenced in the unexplained deaths of friends, children, spouses and other relatives. One major form of sorcery used by bush Mamusi villagers to intimidate coastal villages involves the use of an invisible spear. A real spear will supposedly be dipped into a magical mixture and then it will be held, pointed and thrown in the direction of the intended victim. The real spear never leaves the sorcerer’s hand but an invisible spear travels to strike down the victim. When coastal villagers were physically assaulted by villagers in the interior, they were warned that the real spear had already been dipped in its magical solution and they should await the travel of the invisible spear. On many occasions, logging opponents have been threatened by the directors of the local landowner company and other supporters of logging with the gesture of them throwing an invisible spear at logging opponents. Indeed, logging opponents are openly told to eat their last pig and chicken, for they will soon be dead.

The expansion of logging into new areas has required not just the presence and violence of the riot squad and a private army of security personnel. It has also required a redeployment of the intimidating powers of sorcery; these have been corporatised.

Sexual Harassment, Pornography, and Marriages of Convenience

Women who come to the camps from villages to purchase goods and/or to see relatives are sometimes sexually accosted by Malaysian Chinese employees who will touch the breasts of these visiting women and proposition them by offering money for sex. The women in the logging camps who suffer the most sexual harassment are local women employed to work in less public and visible spaces that require the preparation of food and the cleaning of private rooms.

Sham marriages are often undertaken by Malaysian Chinese management personnel as a cover for permanent sexual relations with local women. These marriages do not involve a church minister and they do not involve a civil registration of the marriage. Instead, the customary notion of marriage through gifts to kin is used to legitimise a temporary union that does not involve any permanent obligation by the Malaysian Chinese to the children of that “marriage”. When these Malaysian Chinese employees leave PNG or are transferred to other logging camps, they do not take responsibility for the upkeep of these children by helping to pay for school fees, clothing, housing or food. Instead, all of these expenses are shifted and borne by local kin.

The sale of pornographic photos and videos especially for use on mobile phones has become another cause of concern at the logging camps. Local village leaders complain that these are being sold to workers and villagers by Chinese Malaysian staff.

Housing and Racial Hierarchy

Interactions in the camp are organised around a racial hierarchy and this is reflected and reinforced by the spatial layout of the camps. The Chinese management live in more luxurious quarters at the top of the hill. This compound is fenced off with high wire; it has painted buildings that are air conditioned and have satellite-TV reception. The housing of the Iban workers from Sarawak is situated closer to the coast and the loading wharves, where there is more noise and more mosquitoes. Their accommodation consists of partitioned rooms in long houses that are unpainted and unfenced. The buildings are made of timber planks and are slightly better in quality than the mostly thin plywood housing of Melanesian workers. The latter’s long houses have uninsulated corrugated iron roofs which make the buildings very hot in the day time. The thin plywood that separates the small rooms and living quarters of individuals and families offers no privacy, especially for married couples. The washing and cooking facilities are basic and inadequate.

The accommodation of Chinese management is at the top of the hill and luxurious by comparison

The accommodation of Chinese management is at the top of the hill and luxurious by comparison

Destruction of Sacred Sites

The rapid expansion of logging along the coast has destroyed many sacred ancestral sites, which have been bulldozed to make way for roads, logging and oil palms. The public relations officers employed by the logging company and the directors of the landowner company, though they are local villagers, are seen as too close to the logging company to act as impartial mediators. These individuals eat in the company mess and like local government officials they are regarded as compromised by the wages and gifts they received from Chinese Malaysian management. This perception is supported when directors and public relations officers spend all their time seeking to placate angry villagers, and refuse to intervene to help villagers to protect well-known sacred sites by diverting roads, logging and oil palm. These sacred sites in Pomio are regarded as where the world began and also where it will end, so many are worried by the destruction of these sites.

Safety and the Environment

Villagers in the area where the bush has been clear felled are worried by the chemicals used to spray around young oil palm trees to prevent the growth of weeds. When it rains those chemicals flow into the run off that flows into the nearby streams and rivers from which people collect water for drinking and cooking, and where they bathe.

Workers who spray the chemicals do so without any protective clothing. They are not provided with boots, overalls, gloves and a mask. Instead the men work wearing shorts and a shirt, and the women wear a laplap and meri-blouse. Both men and women work either barefoot or wearing just rubber thongs on their feet. The workers speak of how the wind will suddenly change and the chemical spray will then be blown onto their clothing, skin and hair, into their faces, and they will inhale the chemicals. In the morning the wet chemicals sprayed onto the tall grass coats workers’ legs, arms and clothing. When they go home, these workers do not shower or change their clothes. They speak of their fears as their young children come into close contact with their chemically soaked bodies and of wives who prepare and cook food after working with these chemical sprays.

Worker spraying herbicide in shorts and thongs, no boots, gloves, mask or overalls is provided. The wind blows the chemical spray onto the worker's body and clothing, endangering also his children and family when he returns to the village

Worker spraying herbicide in shorts, no boots, gloves, mask or overalls is provided. The wind blows the chemical spray onto the worker’s body and clothing, endangering also his children and family when he returns to the village

In the past, the villagers along the coast who live around Mauna, Lau, Bairaman and Mu have been strong supporters of development. They have their own walk-about saw mills and extensive cash crops, initially copra but now cocoa. Over the last few decades, many have developed their own land use plans with the lands department, but these development plans are now said by the lands department to be irrelevant. The opponents to clear-felling and oil palm are not backward cargo cult villagers as is often claimed by the riot squad and local landowner directors, who like to perpetuate this false caricature in the mass media of regressive, irrational villagers seeking to block progress. This is a very prejudiced portrayal of the Pomio Kivung movement, which operates as a local Melanesian church that established moral order in villages and calls for the proper development of resources rather than their theft. However, today, the strong opponents to clear-felling and oil palm (those who set up the road blocks and are arrested) are increasingly the more prosperous and developed coastal villagers. These more educated villagers oppose the transfers their land to a foreign developer for 99 years and virtually for free (only a token payment). They oppose the transformation of villagers into landless labourers; and they oppose the destruction of their moral communities and the movement of villagers into compounds where drunkenness and violence are common problems. Villagers would much rather work for themselves with their own walk-about saw mills, selective forms of logging, and cash crops rather than become low paid workers living on an inadequate diet, with poor housing and dangerous safety conditions that poison the environment. Villager’s own self-built houses are of much better quality than the skimpy housing, cooking and washing facilities offered by the foreign company. This new development is opposed because it is not improving local people’s living standards but is impoverishing them, stealing away their valuable asset – land and a productive healthy environment.

The strange story of Sovereign Green Global Australia, Green Giant Venture Fund, Astra Resources and a REDD project in Milne Bay/Oro

September 18, 2014 Leave a comment

By Chris Lang, REDD Monitor

Sovereign Green Gold logoSovereign Green Global is, according to its website, running a REDD+ conservation project, “located primarily in the Milne bay province of Papua New Guinea”. The project covers “approximately 125,000 hectares of rainforest”. But details of the project are scant and the information that is available rings plenty alarm bells.

The REDD project in Milne Bay province is supposed to reduce emissions from deforestation by protecting the forests from logging and conversion for agriculture. It will do so, according to Sovereign Green Global, “by offering the farmers financial incentive and intact forests rather than income received from deforestation”.

Sovereign Green Global does not explain how this will prevent logging or palm oil companies from clearing the forests.

Clean Development Mechanism or REDD?

The project is listed on the CDM Bazaar, a website run by the UN Environment Programme as “a global ‘virtual information exchange place’” about the Clean Development Mechanism that is “open to all interested parties”.

At a first glance, the website looks like an official UN website listing CDM projects, but in fact any company can register and post its project details on the website.

On CDM Bazaar, the Milne Bay project is described as an “Avoided Un-Planned Deforestation project”, using an “an existing CDM methodology”. The project idea note lists seven methodologies, and states that “the project falls within the category AFOLU – REDD – Avoiding unplanned deforestation and degradation (AUDD)”. That is, of course, a Verified Carbon Standard (VCS) REDD activity, but it is not recognised under the CDM.

The project idea note states that the project is “located in PNG and contains 58,967 ha of rainforests”. That’s less than half the area claimed on Sovereign Green Global’s website.

The project idea note states that VER credits will be available from the project from January 2014. But a page on Facebook, titled “Carbon Trade Project”, includes a photograph of “the MOA and MOU with Sovereign Green Global Australia Ltd for the REDD Project in Mimbui land and East Collinwood Bay”. The photograph is dated February 2014:

screen shot of Facebook page

So much for free, prior and informed consent.

Sovereign Green Global

A company called Sovereign Green Global Ltd was registered in the UK in November 2012. The company address was 145-157 St John Street. For £49.99 per year, Companies Made Simple will register a company at this address. Sovereign Green Global shared this address with almost 40,000 other companies.

In January 2013, Tony Adams took over as director of the company, and remained in place until the company was dissolved in June 2014.

Tony Adams is also the Chairman and Founder of Sovereign Green Global Australia Pty. Ltd., the company with the Milne Bay REDD project on its website. The company’s website provides little information about the company, apart from explaining that,

Sovereign Green Global Australia is a global company with a network of individuals dedicated to Humanitarian and Environmental Issues.

Sovereign Green Global’s website was registered (anonymously) in January 2013.

Green Giant Venture Fund

The project idea note explains that the REDD project in PNG is being developed by Sovereign Green Global together with the Green Giant Venture Fund.

Other than an address in Brazil and an address in the USA, Green Giant Venture Fund’s website provides little information about the company.

There’s not much information available elsewhere, apart from a series of press releases of agreements with companies developing carbon projects. Such as this one, in which Green Giant Venture Fund is described as follows:

Green Giant Venture Fund has expertise and experience in Carbon Credit Project (CCP) Development and provides technical, political and legal support required for the project and client. The Fund will also advise as to the strategy and tactics for effecting a forward financing by framing a strategic partnership in the Carbon financial sector and by executing a Carbon Finance option (FSCCP) aimed at capitalizing the client’s current and future (CCP).

Green Giant Venture Fund has been hired by several companies to sell carbon credits.

Grant Galloway is the director of Green Giant Venture Fund. In 2011, Green Automotive Company hired Green Giant Venture Fund:

Green Automotive Company Corporation (OTC:GACR) announced today the engagement of Green Giant Venture Fund as part of the Company’s plans to sell forward it’s expected allocation of carbon credits generated by future sales of it’s zero emission, All-Electric vehicles through the developing “Cap and Trade” commodity market.

You can read more about this on seekingalpha.com, here and here. Galloway appears in the second of those links.

Today, there is no mention of either “carbon credits” or “Green Giant Venture Fund” on Green Automotive Company’s website.

Green Giant Venture Fund’s website includes this statement about carbon credits (emphasis added):

Buyers have five reasons to purchase carbon offsets. They purchase carbon offsets for compliance to regulated markets, pre-compliance to regulated markets, investing for a financial return, carbon neutral product offsetting, and public relations.

The bit about investing in carbon credits “for a financial return” sets off more alarm bells.

Green Giant Venture Fund’s website lists the PNG REDD project and states that,

PDD [Project Design Document] is currently under development and is 90% completed. Estimated at 48m VCU credits with possibility of moving to Gold Standard.

The Milne Bay project idea note includes the Gold Standard’s logo at top of each page, suggesting a little more than the “possibility of moving to Gold Standard”. I’ve written to the Gold Standard to check whether Sovereign Green Global obtained the necessary permission before using the Gold Standard trademark in this way.

Astra Resources

In March 2014, a UK-based mining company called Astra Resources PLC announced that it had signed an agreement with Sovereign Green Global, under which Sovereign Green Global would provide €20 million “equity capital injection” followed by €780 million in “equity capital, knowhow and assets”.

Sovereign Green Global’s Tony Adams said,

“As Chairman and Founder of Sovereign Green Global Australia I fully support Astra Resources and its endeavours to create a cleaner and more sustainable environment for future generations. Sovereign will invest substantially in developing this new technologies [sic] and will now make a further commitment of carbon credits to the ongoing process of the green energy solutions that Astra are developing.”

The Australian describes the deal as “particularly curious”, and notes “that there appears to be no evidence that [Soveriegn Green Global Australia] has the capacity for multi-million-dollar financing deals”.

By a strange coincidence, Astra Resources’ registered address is 145-157 St John Street, the same address as the UK version of Sovereign Green Global.

In 2013, a former director of Astra Resources told the Australian that a document that the company used to raise up to US$45 million from Australian retail investors contained “significant misleading and false statements”. The Australian reports that,

Among those statements was a claim that Astra Mining was looking to raise €1 billion ($1.42bn) via an initial public offering on the Frankfurt Stock Exchange, of which $700m had already been committed by major Korean and US investors.

Which sounds strangely similar to the deal with Sovereign Green Global.

Astra Resources’ press release states that,

SGGA [Sovereign Green Global Australia] are currently in the process of completing projects in the following areas and they are PNG Milne Bay, Philippine Province of Negros, and Vanuatu. These three areas specifically relate to over 200 million REDD+ Credits. These credits are at the stage of certification and will be settled over the next few months. The credits will be warehoused with a major investment bank and a line of credit will be allotted to SGGA.

In May 2014, the Australian Securities and Investment Commission (ASIC) started legal action against Astra Resources PLC and its directors.

On 4 June 2014, Astra Resources was suspended from the European Share Trading Exchange GXG Markets. Here’s how GXG Markets explains the suspension:

The Company is currently under suspension for supplying inaccurate information that was required as a condition to move up from the GXG First Quote to the GXG Main Quote market and has previously been suspended for corporate governance failings in relation to filing accurate information to Companies House (UK) in a timely fashion.

On the same day, Astra Resources announced that it has “taken a very significant position in the carbon reduction market on its balance sheet in exchange for 270m Euros of scrip”. (Scrip is a substitute for legal currency – outside the company it is worthless.)

The carbon reduction benefits are from the management of tropical rainforests at a country level throughout the Asia Pacific region. Astra’s partners have negotiated country level agreements, and are using an internationally recognised financial registry, as well as the most experienced science teams in the region.

So it appears that Sovereign Green Global has sold carbon credits from three REDD projects (that may or may not exist) to Astra Resources (a company facing legal action and that has been suspended from GXG Markets) for scrip (which is worthless outside Astra Resources).

Leaked document reveals Adam Smith International’s propaganda strategy for governments: Bougainville beware

September 16, 2014 Leave a comment

report cover

Adam Smith International (ASI) has been contracted to help the Momis government on Bougainville develop and put into place its long-term mining policy and legislation. We have obtained a document that shows the strategy ASI gives to governments so they can shape public opinion.

Written in 2004 the Strategy Document (350kb) assists governments develop propaganda in support of controversial or unwanted economic policies, such as the selling off of public resources to companies. Propaganda is the art of manipulating peoples’ ideas and behaviour through information so that they act in a way that benefits the powerful, whether it be the government or a big business.

The document begins: ‘In economic reforms there are three communications mistakes particularly worth avoiding. The first assumes that not communicating involves fewer risks … Your government needs stakeholders to do something, to think or to behave in certain ways, so it is your responsibility to motivate them. So you must take action or behaviour will not change. Communicate or face the consequences’.

For example, on Bougainville the Momis government needs people to accept that industrial mining is necessary or essential – the island cannot do without it. So we can see that the government has released stories and speeches arguing that there will be no independence or autonomy without mining, a message which is designed to change the way landowners and citizens think and behave.

ASI go on to explain how you construct propaganda for different stakeholders groups such as landowners, workers, civil servants, NGOs, etc. First you have to find out how they think, and produce propaganda that addresses their fears, and appeals to their desires.

ASI advise, ‘to find out what large groups of people think, we resort to opinion sampling. There are two types, focus groups and opinion polls, each with distinct advantages and drawbacks’. With respect to focus groups ASI argue, ‘this shows us what each group thinks in detail’. On the other hand opinion polls ‘’can yield statistically valid data not available from focus groups’.

ASI note ‘most large countries have several companies capable of reliable polling’. Though if not, ‘skilled university demographers can do similar work’.

Once governments have intelligence on how different audiences think and feel they can begin to construct propaganda that targets these thoughts and hopes. In Bougainville people want to live a happy, peaceful, and independent future. So it is necessary that the government delivers messages about mining that appeal to this desire – there will be no happiness, no development, or independence without mining.

ASI advises, ‘Once you know what your audience think, design message to grab their attention and motivate them’.

ASI warn governments it is important that their propaganda does not seem like propaganda, if it does people wont believe it – ‘anything that implies propaganda turns people off’. For example, they note when making propaganda videos ‘at ASI we rarely use narrators, preferring to film real stakeholders using their own words. What they say is convincing because their testimony is honest and vivid’.

ASI also note when delivering propaganda, ‘journalists are perhaps the most important audience of all,

since they influence almost all other stakeholder groups. You want them to understand [the economic reform] so that they can explain it correctly and so that they are less likely to fall prey to charges levelled by your opponents’.

In a special section in the strategy devoted to media relations. ASI advise governments to ‘cultivate good relations with reporters … Treat them with respect. Return their phone calls promptly and courteously’. ASI continue ‘issue press releases often … [this] will help kill off the foul rumours spread by your opponents’. Also they argue ‘put quotes into your press release, telling reporters why this matter is important … do not bribe journalists. Educate them, put on seminars and conferences, take them on road trips to privatised industries or buy them lunch and discuss the issues openly’

So if you are trying to sell Rio Tinto’s return, or mining to a worried public, you need journalists to help you sell this as good news, which everyone will benefit from. This will be particularly helpful when activists produce evidence that shows for instance Rio Tinto are war criminals, or have been involved in polluting vital ecosystems. So give the media plenty of quotes, and press releases – buy them lunch, wine and dine them, so they see your point of view is the right one, and opponents are nothing by activists talking nonsense.

ASI also give government advice on how to deal with journalists who publish stories that are critical. For example, if a journalist report about the negative experiences landowners have had with mining, such as pollution or violence. In these cases ASI advise, try to ‘talk to the editor or publisher. If that does not work, give your best leaks and stories to their chief competitor. And if possible in some cases exclude bad newspapers from your advertising budget’

When publishing propaganda ASI advise governments to target a range of audiences using a range of mediums. So we have seen the Momis government push the mining/Rio Tinto agenda through a range of different mediums that target particular audiences. New Dawn radio goes out to communities in certain regions of Bougainville. Consultation forums target landowners. Social media hits the middle classes.

ASI emphasise to governments many different mediums should be used. They claim for instance ‘comic books are easily read by the semi-literate’. They also mention a £270,000 (K1 million) video they produced in Tanzania ‘ASI got months of free television publicity in Tanzania for the government’s reform programme by hiring a popular entertainer to produce a pop video on privatisation’

ASI conclude with one last important piece of advice ‘never forget face-to-face meetings’. So we have seen the Momis government use ‘consultation’ forums as a place to encourage people into supporting mining.

ASI also note whenever delivering messages make use of the President. ‘Your President or Prime Minister can get you coverage better than anyone else in your country. Have him or her make speeches and grant interviews … as often as possible’. Not surprisingly the President has become the public face of mining.

Sadly this strategy documents is not interested in the future of the people or the land, only in manipulating citizens into accepting economic policies that will benefit the powerful.

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